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StepakovKarl But the Commission shows that access to medicines is a global be connected, irrespective of woods income. In cases where programmes existed, almost half 48 per cent thought that these sought to legalise informal activities, while 44 per cent aimed to move informal workers into the formal economy, with a further 42 per cent feeling that these programmes aimed to improve the quality of informal employment.

Sixty-five per cent of women related economic growth with gender equity, but still needs urgent attention Almost two-thirds 65 per cent of city dwellers in the survey felt that economic growth was broadly related with gender equity.

Perceptions in Kingston and Johannesburg were the most affirmative. Gender equitable cities reward women and generate prosperity; but more dedicated gender policies needed in cities While more than half of respondents 54 per cent felt that there was some form of commitment to the equal participation of all women in social, economic, political and cultural spheres, only Indeed, 61 per cent thought that gender disparities in access to different social, economic and political opportunities were being reduced.

A history of class, ethnic and racial inequality was identified as the main factor limiting achieving greater levels of equity.

Less than half of urban dwellers stated that their city had a dedicated gender policy 47 per cent. However, almost half 46 per cent stated that their city had a policy that successfully contributed to gender equity.

The actual policy or action thought to be most important in making the city more gender equitable was increased access to employment 19 per cent.

NGOs, civil society and governments need to collaborate in implementing gender equality policies More than one-third of city dwellers identified NGOs and civil society as the most important set of institutions involved in the implementation of gender equality policies.

In turn, government was also identified as important by just under one-third. However, almost half 47 per cent thought that resources came from governments, followed some way behind by NGOs 20 per cent.

Girl working as gold-panner in Madagascar sifts heavy sand and rocks. The urban poor face specific circumstances which can exacerbate poverty such as spending more on food and services, especially water, sanitation, housing, energy and transport.

This affects women disproportionately because they undertake unpaid caring and social reproductive activities such as childcare, domestic labour, community organising, as well as building and consolidating housing and providing basic services.

However, this work allows the urban economy to function and without it prosperity would be difficult to achieve. This is often associated with declining fertility, increasing education levels and rising aspirations for women.

These disadvantages are especially marked for poor urban women residing in informal settlements. A holistic approach is needed in order to recognise the multidimensional inputs that women invest in generating urban prosperity and their juxtaposition with multidimensional privations.

The gender and urban poverty nexus outlined in this report identifies the range of gender disparities that need to be reduced in order to generate prosperity and to facilitate the economic empowerment of women.

Recommendation 2: Formulate gender policies and strengthen accountability for gender equality and equity at city level Cities and local authorities are strategically placed to promote gender equality and equity by making the services they render and city bye-laws sensitive to the different realities of women and men in their localities.

Cities and local authorities without dedicated gender policies are therefore encouraged to adopt gender policies, develop gender equality and women empowerment programmes with specific targets of achievement to facilitate monitoring progress.

There is a need to strengthen partnerships between cities and local authorities on the one hand with gender experts, NGOs and civil society, grassroots organisations, academia and national machineries for women on the other, in order to facilitate capacity building in gender, local governance, gender budgeting and planning and economic development and to ensure accountability for gender equality and equity at city level.

It also inhibits the development of capabilities among younger generations of women who may have to pay for the expanded burdens of ageing mothers and other female kin.

Support for paralegal services which assist women in their ability to realise their land and shelter entitlements is also crucial.

These should extend to all women, including particularly marginalised constituencies of elderly women, widows, sick and disabled women, HIV-positive women, and individuals falling under the rubric of LBGT Lesbian, Bisexual, Gay and Transgender.

At every stage in the planning, design, use and management of these services concerted efforts should be made to ensure the equal participation of women and men.

The provision of more gender-sensitive or single sex public sanitary facilities will also assist in reducing violence against women and the school drop- out rate of girls in slums and informal settlements.

This might entail direct remuneration or payment in kind through preferential access to loans or use of other resources for free.

Developing grassroots women as leaders and as active participants in local decision-making processes and structures is also fundamental.

Decentralisation efforts with its shift towards community participation can facilitate an increased role of women in local governance. Mainstreaming gender effectively at all levels of policy dialogue and engagement is required.

This is essential for gender mainstreaming and for developing strategies to ensure that urban prosperity becomes more gender equitable.

Bosnia and Herzegovina. Prosperous cities are predominantly associated with positive rates of economic growth and material wealth.

This relates to the fact that almost three-quarters 70 per cent of Gross Domestic Product GDP across the world is generated in cities and that cities are often the economic powerhouses of nations.

Here, slum dwellers occupy homes and live in communities which suffer from one or more shelter deprivations.

These include low quality of building materials, overcrowding, access to water and sanitation, or security of tenure.

While it is not always appropriate to equate officially- designated slums and poverty, 4 poverty tends to be more prevalent in slums than non-slum settlements.

As of , nearly 1 billion urban inhabitants worldwide resided in slum housing. Over 90 per cent were concentrated in developing regions, ranging from an estimated one-quarter This access to assets, resources and rights needs to be shared among urban dwellers from all backgrounds in equitable ways in order to ensure prosperity See Table 1.

There will also be growing numbers of households headed by women. For example, between the late s and end of the first decade of the 21 st century, female-headed households as a proportion of all urban households in Latin America increased by a mean of 9.

Second, there are many specific conditions in cities that exacerbate poverty and which have gendered implications.

The urban poor face specific circumstances which can exacerbate and perpetuate poverty. For instance, they spend a disproportionate amount on water, accommodation and transport and are especially affected by changes in food prices.

The urban poor also face many practical and health problems due to lack of adequate sanitation and services. All these activities allow the urban economy to function and prosper, even if this labour is seldom recognised or valued.

This can have other important implications for women such as declining fertility, increasing education levels and rising aspirations.

It has been suggested that women are key drivers of economic growth and that wealth in the hands of women leads to much more equitable outcomes in terms of the quality of life of families and communities.

These disadvantages are especially marked for poor urban women residing in slums and informal settlements. Ultimately, these processes have contradictory outcomes for women, and to a lesser extent men.

In order to consider these issues more systematically, the report now turns to the conceptual framework that has been developed to understand urban prosperity and gender.

Although women household heads are often income-poor, this hides other advantages for women living on their own. Thus, women heads can control decision-making and live their lives freer from personal constraints.

May be overt. Refers to self confidence, self awareness and assertiveness. Changes from within and also about challenging power.

Sense of communion and solidarity as power. Resistance takes lots of forms from subtle to overt Types of power that underpin empowerment processes Box 1.

Female heads are not only likely to continue to have disproportionate responsibility for unpaid and care work, which are especially onerous in urban contexts characterised by limited access to basic services and difficult environmental circumstances, but tend also to have to engage in paid work too.

This stresses the importance of labour, time and assets and the fact that privation is not associated with female household headship alone.

Many draw implicitly and explicitly on the work of Michel Foucault in their thinking on empowerment highlighting it as a process rather than an end state.

There can therefore be several pathways to empowerment that take time, effort and structural change in order to be realised.

It has also been operationalised by different international agencies. It can be difficult to impose empowerment through interventions because it entails changing gender ideologies which can only be brought about by psycho-social and political transformation as well as those linked with the material conditions of life See Figure 1.

However, this too is inherently multidimensional and multi-scalar. This is because of the importance of recognising the multidimensional inputs women invest in generating urban prosperity which is juxtaposed with the multidimensional privations they face.

Sylvia Chant b; has developed a framework for analysing these issues identifying the critical elements in conceptualising gender and the prosperity of cities.

Especially important in the notion of gender disparities are the pervasive inequalities that exist between women and men in relation to their access to resources, power, opportunities, and freedom of movement.

It is also essential to note that all these issues are interrelated in complex ways. In addition, each set of elements relates directly to the issue of economic empowerment, and in order to be able to understand economic empowerment all these need to be considered to varying degrees depending on the context.

Prior to presenting the urban prosperity and gendered economic empowerment nexus the following is an elaboration of the core components outlined in Figure 1.

Fertility and reproductive rights A key process is the relationship between the demographic transition and urbanisation of which a key aspect is lower fertility levels in cities.

Similar patterns exist in various other countries for which data are available, and also show that this is often associated with early school drop-out among girls, which undoubtedly plays a part in perpetuating gender gaps in urban prosperity.

These gaps are also underpinned by social relations in that women may be denied rights to use birth control measures where paternity is socially important to men.

The ability of young women in particular to exert control over their fertility is affected by disparities between their own age and economic status and those of male partners on whom they may rely for support.

Feminised urban sex ratios reflect the cumulative gender-selectivity of rural-urban migration, with Latin America standing out as a region in which more women than men have moved to towns and cities over the past several decades, along with some countries in Southeast Asia such as Thailand and Viet Nam.

Even in India, where the ratio is significantly lower, the older old cohort is still distinctly feminised. In Latin America for example, there have been dramatic rises in urban female household headship over the past twenty years.

Between the late s and end of the first decade of the 21 st century, female-headed households as a proportion of all urban households increased by a mean of 9.

Despite the general tendency for rising levels of female household headship in urban areas to parallel upward trends in urbanisation, there is no significant statistical relationship between the two.

For example, Panama has experienced a 21 per cent increase in urbanisation in the past two decades, but a rise in urban female household headship of only 8 per cent, whereas urbanisation in Uruguay has nudged up by a mere 3 per cent, compared with a 13 per cent increase in the proportion of urban households headed by women.

These include greater access to employment and independent earnings, lessened entanglement in and control by patriarchal kinship systems, and higher levels of urban female land and property ownership.

Since reproductive labour displays a remarkably persistent association with women, and given major deficits in non-family forms of domestic and unpaid care support, when mothers work, their daughters often have to assume greater shares of reproductive labour which may provoke absenteeism from, or weaker performance, at school or early-drop out, thereby inhibiting their own accumulation of human capital.

On one hand, are those who suggest that women are fairly uniformly exploited by their incorporation into the labour market.

The reality is somewhere in between and it depends on context, place, type of work, life course, and the interplay between working conditions and wider social relations.

It is the type of work that is significant in terms of empowerment rather than labour force involvement in itself, as well as a commensurate redistribution of unpaid reproductive labour to men at the household level.

Education, vocational training and skills development provide people with opportunities to develop their capacities to enhance participation in all economic, social, cultural and political spheres of urban life.

In terms of Millennium Development Goal 2, while improvements in primary school education have been substantial in many countries, they have not been sufficient to meet the goal of universal primary education by There are disparities in education between slum and non-slum parts of the cities.

In Delhi, for instance, which harbours one of the largest disparities in urban India, the gap is 19 per cent for children aged years in general and in Nigeria slum dwelling children are up to 35 per cent less likely to attend school than their non-slum counterparts.

These disparities tend to grow up the educational hierarchy. The arena that has received most attention in relation to such assets has been micro-finance referring to banking and financial services, usually through small lending programmes which target low-income groups and especially women who have traditionally been excluded from formal financial systems.

Drawing on the Grameen Bank experience in Bangladesh, in micro-finance organisations across the world had However, evidence from a range of different contexts has since shown that micro-finance does not automatically empower women but that it depends on the context and the other institutional mechanisms in place to support women.

For instance, Pro Mujer which works in several Latin American countries including Peru, Bolivia, Argentina, Nicaragua and Mexico provides holistic micro-finance initiatives that revolve around various types of financial services, business and empowerment training that include a focus on gender-based violence, communication and leadership skills, as well as low-cost health care services.

Evidence suggests that violence against women by male partners tends to be less prevalent in cities than rural areas but violence by non-partners tends to be higher in urban areas.

In particular, women have much more restricted mobility at night linked with their safety and fear of violence. Recognising that migration can reinforce, as well as challenge, gender roles and relations, 70 mobile telephony may subject female migrants, who are often under intense pressure normatively and pragmatically to remit to source areas, to greater monitoring and surveillance, thereby making them less able to resist economic and other demands from rural kin.

By the same token, the ability to remain in touch with family back home may also facilitate greater levels of independent female migration, including of mothers with young children, which detaches women from some of the physical, if not financial and emotional, investments they are expected to make in their maternal and other familial roles.

What these diverse possibilities mean in terms of the potential gains to women from urban prosperity remains largely uncharted, but will benefit from dedicated monitoring.

Gender disparities in power and rights A final critical component of conceptualising the interrelationships between gender and urban prosperity relates to gender differences in power and rights.

They are also mediated by informal and formal mechanisms. Although there is evidence of increased mobilisation and organisation of women at the grassroots, not least in relation to the popular uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East in and , there remain major gender disparities in the more formal political realms of PARDO - Ciclovia, BOGOTA.

Unless women become active partners with cities and local governments, they will continue to remain on the margins of governance processes and to be excluded from development decisions that impact their communities.

Women have engaged more in public affair through Local Coordinating Councils LCCs and in vigilance and monitoring committees.

However, they can assist in identifying the sectors and issues that need to be addressed if women are to take advantage of urban prosperity as a way of improving their life chances.

As a country decreases its share of multi-dimensional poor, the SIGI moves closer towards equality. Evidence from the UN-Habitat survey across the five cities highlights some of these trends.

A largely positive view on the relationship between urbanisation and the prosperity of women in general emerged, as declared by almost one-third of respondents in Johannesburg 31 per cent , one-quarter in Rio de Janeiro 24 per cent and 22 per cent in Kingston.

In Bangalore and Kampala positive views were held by fewer people 10 per cent and 13 per cent respectively. Indeed, in Kampala, In the case of Bangalore one respondent makes an important point: However, from a slightly different angle, it emerged that only a minority of people in the five survey cities felt that women were actually perceived to be prosperous across all types of dimensions in terms of quality of life, productivity, infrastructure, and equality.

While in Kampala, this was a high of 14 per cent, only 4 per cent of people in Rio de Janeiro and Kingston thought that women were prosperous across the board.

At the other end of the spectrum, Kampala again emerged as an outlier with 22 per cent of people stating that women were not prosperous in any dimensions with 6 per cent in Rio de Janeiro, 5 per cent in Bangalore, 2 per cent in Johannesburg and no-one in Kingston.

Only in Kampala were they perceived as less important 15 per cent noted that they were very large while The survey also highlighted how people felt that economic growth was broadly related with gender equity in all cities except in Kampala where two-thirds felt that there was no relationship or a negative one.

Perceptions of relationship between urbanisation and prosperity of women Fi gure 1. World Bank a 2. Chant and Datu a, b 3.

Harpham 5. UN-Habitat a 6. Beall et al 7. See also debates on the multidimensionality of poverty Chant, a, ; Moser, 8. Dierwechter ; Duany et al Geller Lefebvre ; Harvey UN-Habitat c, p.

Tsenkova ; UN-Habitat b World Bank c, p. World Bank and Ellis Morrison et al , p. Chant b, a Beall and Fox Gilbert ; Tacoli Chant b; a ; Tacoli UN-Habitat , p.

See Chant ed. Chant ed. Chant a; UNRiSD a Rowlands ; Chant and Mcilwaine for a summary Cornwall Kabeer a Mcilwaine compiled from Kabeer et al []; Rowlands [] Kabeer et al Golla et al Golla et al.

Chant and Mcilwaine Chant b; a Chant and Touray b Chant ; Chant and Mcilwaine , pp. Tacoli and Mabala Chant b ; Chant and Touray a,b Chant and Datu b Bradshaw ; Chant ; Momsen Perrons ; Razavi , p.

Palmer Perrons ; Perrons and Plomien Chant and Pedwell ; Chen a ; Chen et al ; Kabeer a, b Chen a ; Chen et al ; Heintz Kabeer a,b ; Kabeer et al Arbache et al ; Klasen ; World Bank c, p.

Evans Grown ; Lloyd ; Plan international Kabeer a ; Mayoux Fenster ; Jarvis et al ; Vera-Sanso Mcilwaine ; Tacoli Hindin and Adair Bapat and Agarwal Khosla ; Kunieda and Gauthier Perrons Scott et al , p.

Patel Chant ; Jolly and Reeves UN-Habitat b, p. Chen b Beall ; Lind ; Miraftab Huairou Commission a Goldenberg UN-Habitat Dobbs et al , p.

This was closely followed by poor governance and weak institutions. All these factors as well as those identified in Table 1.

These include high levels of poverty, and informal economic activity, with the rate of slum growth being more or less on a par with the regional urban growth rate of 4per cent p.

On the heels of an average annual growth rate of 2. See also below. Another problem is that the physical expansion of some urban centres has engulfed neighbouring towns outside city jurisdictions.

This has entailed the fragmentation of political boundaries, with the spread of management responsibilities among multiple bodies leading to uncoordinated planning and development.

Table 1. For example, Northern Africa is less urbanised and has far lower average income than Latin America.

Yet North Africa has the poverty incidence of Latin America, a region with marked inequality. Although this now appears to be on the decline, thanks largely to substantial upturns in social spending in countries such as Brazil and Chile, 24 as Table 1.

This would appear to confirm earlier observations that economic prosperity does not always trickle down to the poor.

When it comes to the interrelationships of gender with these variables, results are also mixed. As regional wealth increases, there is an accompanying increase in gender equality, as measured by the SIGI components.

Tabl e 1. Different sources define regions differently which makes direct comparisons difficult. See also notes 3 and 4 below. The MPi is a three-dimensional index comprising health as measured by nutrition and child mortality , education children enrolled and years of schooling , and living standards comprising cooking fuel, toilet, water, electricity, floor material and basic assets such as a radio or bicycle.

The score derived combines the percentage of the population who are multi-dimensionally poor with the average number of deprivations they suffer from: the higher the score, the greater the level of multidimensional poverty.

These include economic participation and opportunity as quantified by measuring advancement, remuneration and participation gaps, where advancement is composed from the female to male ratio among legislators, senior officials and managers and the female to male ratio among professional and technical workers educational attainment measured by primary, secondary and tertiary enrolment ratios and literacy rates , health and survival sex ratio at birth and life expectancies and political empowerment female legislators and the ratio of female to male ministerial-level positions.

Scores are produced through a four step process, ranging from 0 to 1, with 1 representing the highest level of equality and 0 the greatest level of inequality.

Taken together these produce a score between 0 and 1, with 0 representing the highest level of equality, and 1 very high inequality. As a country decreases its share of multi- dimensional poor, the SIGI moves closer towards equality.

This relationship becomes even stronger when removing the two outlier regions. Latin America and the Caribbean and the Middle East and North Africa, which have the highest and lowest inequality respectively, but also the two lowest shares of the multidimensional poor MDP.

Omitting these two regions, based on their low population share, significantly improves the correlation, as seen in Figure 1.

While the indicators discussed serve to highlight that there are some connections between gender equality, wealth, poverty and urbanisation, these cannot be precisely nor consistently specified on the basis of quantitative measures.

A dearth of comprehensive sex-disaggregated quantitative data, especially for poorer countries compromises the reliable geographical coverage of aggregate gender indicators such as the GGGI and the SIGI.

The Gini coefficient is a measure of the inequality of income or wealth distribution in a country. The coefficient is calculated from the ratio of two areas on a Lorenz curve.

A value of 0 indicates total income equality; that is all wealth is distributed equally among all members of the population.

A value of 1 represents total inequality. Scores may range between 0 and 1. The Gini coefficient has been criticised by some scholars who argue that it is not useful when comparing countries of very different population size.

Furthermore, it says nothing of the absolute wealth of a country; a wealthy country and poor country may have the same Gini coefficient but in the poor nation many people may not even have access to basic necessities.

Correlation should not be confused with causation. A strong correlation suggests two variables are related, but does not imply that a change in one will automatically induce a change in the other.

The R 2 value is a measure of the linear correlation of the variables. A value of 0 indicates no relationship while 1 indicates a perfect linear relationship.

While over one-third perceived this to be the case in Kampala In Johannesburg, Rio de Janeiro and Kingston, this was around half, with a low of 27 per cent in Kampala.

World Bank b 2. Storper and Scott 3. UN-Habitat 5. Mabala 9. Chant a Hughes and Wickeri ; Poulsen UN-Habitat a Ghosh , p. World Bank b, p.

UN a, pp. Ghosh Rodgers et al Campesi ; Dobbs et al , p. Loyka Chant , a ; also Buvinic and King Antrobus ; Chant b ; Johnsson-Latham ; Saith Chant Chant a, b ; Deere and Doss ; Morrison et al Chandrasekhar and Mukhopadhyay In relation to the gender empowerment and urban prosperity nexus, the chapter highlights gender disparities in physical and financial capital and assets as well as the gaps in power and rights.

This was very marked among those living in Rio de Janeiro with 70 per cent stating their city was not committed compared with only 22 per cent in Kingston and 23 per cent in Johannesburg See Figure 2.

This is actually one of the few MDG targets that has been reached a decade ahead of schedule, with million people having moved out of slum conditions between and alone.

Moreover, although the proportion of urban residents living in slums has dropped in most developing regions, with China and India at the forefront, in absolute terms, the number of slum dwellers has continued to rise.

Not only do women rear children in their houses, but it is also their main site of social network creation and income generation.

Even when people start out in precarious shelter, housing can be a meaningful pathway out of poverty and in turn, a route to prosperity.

The root causes of differential access to secure tenure are complex. One factor is uneven discrimination against women in inheritance, ranging from situations, as in Swaziland, where women have no right to inherit property, to those in which they are only legally entitled to lesser shares than men.

Male bias in inheritance and property acts therefore as major obstacle to gender equality and empowerment. Male ownership effectively equates with male control over women and there is widespread discrimination against women is nearly all aspects of housing.

In some cases, as noted for India, mothers may favour the inheritance of sons over daughters given the expectation that the former will provide for them in their old age.

Even where women may be able to access housing, the prospect of property taxes may discourage them from claiming title. However, this measure only went part-way since married women still stood to lose their natal property rights.

With specific regard to property, married women were granted the right to keep inherited property, as well as being entitled to use property without the consent of male family members.

As a result, households reporting some degree of ownership among women more than doubled, from 11 per cent to 35 per cent, between and Source: UN Women , pp.

For instance, in Peru regularisation of title for urban squatters released time for women, as well as men, to engage in activities other than protection of their properties.

As few as 13 per cent of respondents in Bangalore stated that policies existed compared to 33 per cent in Johannesburg.

Indeed, there is also evidence that the shift towards greater commercialisation of banking for the poor has led to a decline in access among women.

However, even among women entrepreneurs, access to finance remains more limited than for men. For example, in South Africa, women comprised only 5 per cent of clients in the Black Economic Empowerment Equity Fund of a major bank after two years of operation.

The prevalence of malnutrition in India and Bangladesh is more than double in slums than in non-slum areas, at 54 per cent versus 21 per cent, and In the Democratic Republic of Congo, too, 41 per cent of children are malnourished in slums compared with 16 per cent of their non-slum counterparts.

Furthermore, slum dwellers also suffer a disproportionate vulnerability to health conditions linked with inadequate healthcare and diet, such as anaemia.

In terms of mental health, at a global level, depression has been found to disproportionately affect women and the poor. This compared with 19 per cent of people in Rio de Janeiro who felt that there was no gender equity in access.

Related to this, only Although this rose to 63 per cent in Johannesburg and to 60 per cent in Kingston, only 20 per cent of residents in Rio de Janeiro determined that such services were available.

Source: Khosla The multiple impacts of multidimensional slum upgrading on women in Agra, India Box 2.

However, in many poor countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, preventable child mortality remains excessively high.

Despite a 34 per cent drop in maternal deaths in developing regions the current mean annual rate of decline 2.

These frequently stem from male control over female sexuality. Although antenatal care is free in Kenya, the charging of fees for births or complications in hospitals, as well as the stigmatisation of mothers without possession of antenatal cards act as deterrents to poor women.

The latter is compounded by the fact that intimate partner violence often increases when women are pregnant, particularly where husbands are jobless or under severe economic pressure See also below.

HIV infection rates seem to have peaked in , and declined significantly since , thanks largely to a massive scale-up in Anti- Retroviral Therapy ART.

However, in absolute terms the number of people living with HIV is rising, partly because they are living longer with the condition, but also because treatment is still short of universal and public information campaigns are not always effective.

Although substantial progress has been made in tackling malaria, it remains responsible for over , deaths a year, of which 90 per cent occur in Africa.

Young women in urban areas are at particular risk, with those aged years being up to eight times more likely to contract the disease than their male counterparts.

In addition, people may already have weak immune systems resulting from poor nutrition and other communicable diseases, thus increasing their susceptibility to infection and accelerated progression from HIV to AIDS.

Within the broader context of rates of violent crime increasing globally from 6 to 8. Somewhat inevitably, urban violence does not only affect women and girls, with young men also being at high risk, especially in slums where becoming part of a youth gang can be the only viable means of livelihood.

These include toilets, at schools, in drinking bars, and in secluded areas. Therefore, the lack of infrastructure in cities contributes to gender-based violence and makes women more vulnerable to break-ins, theft and rape See Box 2.

In addition, the frequent anonymity and social isolation of female urban dwellers, may make them more vulnerable to attack from strangers, but also to receive limited help when affected by intimate artner abuse.

The most well-known example of this is the femicides in Mexico and Central America. Although these brutal killings are experienced by many poor women in cities, they are especially concentrated among maquila factory workers who work in export manufacturing factories owned by transnational corporations involved in the assembly factories of garments and electronics.

The reasons for these femicides are rooted in a wide range of complex issues but are ultimately an expression of extreme gender discrimination.

Raising her voice above the sounds drifting over from the adjacent shacks, Nadia expressed in front of her fellow residents, both male and female, her deep concern over the lack of municipal repair of the streetlights lining the dirt road that leads to the main highway.

The non-functioning of the streetlights has posed particular problems for women, rendering them vulnerable to harassment, theft, physical abuse, and sexual violence.

The installation and maintenance of streetlights in slums and other low-income housing areas throughout the Global South represent one opportunity to improve the safety and well-being of the poor, particularly women, in a way that the residents themselves have personally shown to be both productive and in demand.

The importance of addressing violence in urban contexts is widely recognised at city-wide, national and international levels. To date a number of countries have established women only police stations in a bid to combat violence against women, especially to encourage women to report crimes perpetuated against them.

The legislation creating this police station decreed that everyone working there had to be a woman with the aim of reducing violence against women and charging them with investigating and prosecuting violence against women.

Effective urban planning, design and governance from a gender perspective can also enhance urban safety and security in cities.

This approach has also been referred to as Crime Prevention through Environmental Design CPTED which entails using a primarily spatial and design perspective to reducing violence.

The Bantay Banay Campaign in the Philippines is another example which has contributed to a significant reduction in cases of domestic vilence.

See Box 2. Cebu is not only renowned as a hub of export industry in the country and for its major contributions to national prosperity, but also for its record on promoting gender equality and empowering women.

The programme aims to make everyone responsive to, and responsible for, addressing violence against women, by sensitising key stakeholders such as women and men in communities, barangay neighbourhood officials, local doctors, health workers, and police officers to the need to identify and eliminate gender-based violence.

This entails becoming familiar with the signs and symptoms of domestic violence, and raising levels of reporting.

Source: Chant a, p. Indeed, more generally a gendered planning approach is required from both a top-down and bottom-up perspective.

In terms of the former, gender-sensitive professional codes of conduct and institutional mechanisms that include women in all aspects of the planning process are required and backed- up by legislation where necessary.

UN-Habitat a 2. Chant b, a 3. Miraftab ; Quisumbing 4. Moser , 5. Hughes and Wickeri , p. Nakray ; Rakodi ; Sweetman Chant a, pp.

Chant b ; Varley Miraftab Goebel et al , p. Also Moser and Felton on Ecuador Gilbert ; Kumar ; Miraftab Hughes and Wickeri Vera-Sanso Benavides Llerena et al Morrison et al World Bank a Habitat for Humanity Chant b, a ; Valenzuela , p.

Moser Mitra and Rodriguez-Fernandez Gupta et al , p. Khan et al , pp. Harpham ; Satterthwaite Sverdlik , p. Chant b Harpham , p.

AMC ; Bhatt ; Dutta UN a, p. Hesketh and xing , p. Save the Children b, p Essendi et al ; Ochako et al UNAiDS , p.

UNAiDS Chant and Evans UN-Habitat c ; Jones and Rodgers, eds ; Moser and Mcilwaine , Moser and Mcilwaine Mcilwaine ; Tacoli, Joshi et al , p.

Morrison, Elsberg and Bott Prieto-Carron et al ; also Jarvis et al Hindin and Adair , p.

Moser and Mcilwaine , p. UN-Habitat c Santos ; Mcilwaine Mcilwaine ; Moser and Mcilwaine Agarwal This relates directly to the arena of gender disparities in physical and financial assets and capital as part of the gender and urban prosperity nexus of which infrastructure plays an important role.

While infrastructure relates to various physical aspects of urban environments linked with territorial space, fixtures and connections, as in urban mass transport, pavements or sidewalks, street lighting, and parks, it also deals with community centres or meeting places, nurseries, elderly care homes, and sports and recreational facilities.

In turn, these link closely with aspects of productivity as well as spatial mobility and connectivity. While some aspects of urban infrastructure were discussed in Chapter 2.

This general perception that infrastructure resources were not really adequate in providing equal support for the productive activities of women and men, especially in terms of the specific needs of women, was further reflected in the survey.

For example, only It emerged that the most problematic area was access to sanitation, especially in Bangalore and Rio de Janeiro.

Access to infrastructure for recreation was also very limited for women, again particularly for those in Bangalore and Rio de Janeiro.

Access to telecommunications was perceived to be the most developed, especially in Kingston Table 2. Improved mobility for women was also identified as important, especially in Kingston.

This was followed by congested roads identified as a barrier by 45 per cent in Kampala and 40 per cent in Bangalore. The least important barrier was interruption of telephone lines, cited by only 13 per cent of people, and only by 7 per cent in Bangalore, Johannesburg, and Rio de Janeiro and by no-one in Kingston Figure 2.

In most cities, it is clear that the most important effect of infrastructure underdevelopment on the lives of women is increased cost of living cited by 36 per cent.

This was perceived as particularly important in Bangalore and Kingston. The second most important issue was poor proximity to employment opportunities and markets, identified by 21 per cent of people, with those in Rio de Janeiro and Kingston especially concerned See Figure 2.

Barriers affecting infrastructure underdevelopment on lives of women per cent answering yes Fi gure 2. Yet although access to water is progressing in line with this target, it is important to note that this does not cover water for bathing, washing and cleaning.

While rural areas are particularly deprived, urban slums bear a substantial brunt of deficits. This means that in informal settlements in Morogoro and Dar es Salaam, pressure on sanitation facilities forces several households to share a single pit latrine, which poses extreme discomfort and risks to health, and also presents a major challenge of labour and affordability in relation to cleaning.

Access to sanitation was thought to be less equitable with only For example, the costs of water may be times higher from private than public suppliers.

Even if journeys are short in terms of distance, they may take long to perform where traversing inhospitable terrain, or queuing at the outlet is involved.

At communal sources, women may have to compete with one another and with male water vendors creating stress and conflict.

Where there is no municipal rubbish collection, or people cannot afford to pay for private waste contractors, women have to dispose of solid waste and in cases where there is no domestic sanitation, faecal matter and waste water.

Women role in community development, Myanmar. This can result in physical harm, psychological anxiety and fear of moving around the city.

This was most marked in the case of Bangalore where 60 per cent thought this, compared with a low of 33 per cent in Rio de Janeiro.

Overall, though these perceptions are encouraging in that there appears to be some move towards recognising the importance of safe public transport for women.

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