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G72G73 Printed in the United States of America We would like to dedicate this volume to the memory of Giorgio Baratta, whose intelligence, humanity, energy and enthusiasm will always be with us.

Edited and translated by Derek Boothman. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, Letters from Prison, vol.

Edited by Frank Rosengarten. Translated by Raymond Rosenthal. New York: Columbia University Press, Prison Notebooks, vol.

Edited by Joseph Buttigieg. Translated by Joseph Buttigieg and Antonio Callari. Edited and translated by Joseph Buttigieg. Quaderni del carcere.

Edited by Valentino Gerratana. Turin: Einaudi, Selections from Cultural Writings. Translated by William Boelhower.

Boston: Harvard University Press, Selections from Prison Notebooks. New York: International Publishers, Edited by Quintin Hoare.

Translated by John Matthews. Edited and translated by Quintin Hoare. Acknowledgments Edited collections are by definition collective projects, as are translations.

Fortunately and appropriately, so too is Gramscian scholarship. It is the wide community of Gramscian scholars, in Italy and throughout the world, who made this volume possible.

Most immediately, of course, we thank the fifteen contributors not only for allowing us to include their work, but also because that work has inspired both of our own scholarship.

Bob Jessop and Daniel Moshenberg also provided valuable suggestions. We would like to thank the Instituto Italiano for Philosophical Studies in Naples and its president, Gerardo Marotta, for their support.

Silvio Pons and Fondazione Instituto Gramsci kindly provided images for the cover. Peter Ives would like to acknowledge the support of Adele Perry, Nell Perry and Theo Perry, who always provide the perspective on the smaller and richest moments of life.

Rocco Lacorte would like to thank his mother, Sara Lacorte, for her support, and his father, Carmelo Lacorte, whose memory, energy and vitality also live on through this work.

And thank you also to Joseph Parry and Lexington Press for their patience, enthusiasm and understanding of the particular requirements, delays and obstacles of such a project.

For example, Stuart Hall, Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe and Gayatri Spivak all draw on Gramsci in different and significant ways and have also been influenced by linguistically informed poststructuralism.

These include multiculturalism, identity politics, feminism, cultural studies, critical education studies and, perhaps most important, postcolonialism.

But it is only recently within Italian and German scholarship that the adequate basis for such implications has been provided.

Part I of this book begins with this article in which Lo Piparo summarizes the most polemical aspect of his earlier book-length study.

We are pleased to be able to include an explanatory note at the beginning written by Lo Piparo and published here for the first time.

Part II contains five chapters dealing with how Gramsci writes about translation and develops it as a key concept clearly connected with his focus on language.

This statement has great resonance with the myriad of poststructualistinspired work claiming to go beyond Gramsci, including Laclau and Mouffe.

This collection is far from exhaustive in terms of important current work being carried out in these areas.

This is one of the points that Edoardo Sanguineti, a leading Italian intellectual, poet, writer and translator, makes in an interview which we are delighted to have as chapter 6.

Thus, Francisco F. Similarly, Anne Showstack Sassoon chapter 13 , focusing not on what Gramsci writes about language and translation, but how he uses language, highlights the subversive method by which Gramsci approaches the concepts and positions of others.

The former are passages that are like first drafts, which Gramsci returned to and rewrote with minor or major revisions in later notebooks.

Gerratana labeled these rewritten passages C-texts. B-texts are passages that Gramsci wrote originally and never revised. However, there are two things to keep in mind concerning this method.

Especially within Gramscian scholarship, this close textual method is quite important in thoroughly establishing the centrality of language and translation to his entire thought.

Gensini chapter 4 does not mention Gramsci until almost the halfway mark. Rather he starts with a critique of Chomskian linguistics by going back to Ferdinand de Saussure, and a particular reading of Saussure as providing a more dialectical, social framework that does not bracket out spoken language, or parole, in the manner that standard interpretations often describe.

Gensini mobilizes a host of linguists against Chomsky, including ex-Chomskians, Wittgenstein and William Labov, all of which crucially lead him to Gramsci and the central theme of all the articles in part I of this volume, the relationships between language and society.

One could extend this notion of a flattened Gramsci to the way Laclau and Mouffe interpret and critique him. Drawing on some standard interpretations of Gramsci, Guha views hegemony as the construction of consent and persuasion.

We hope that this volume can push such debates in neo-Gramscian IPE onto richer terrain. Where Croce argues that translation in aesthetic realms i.

Gramsci linguista [Translatability and the processes of translation: The Case of A. Gramsci, the linguist].

Just as Gramsci connects his use of linguistic metaphors for political relations to the actual power relationship involved in language use and language policy, so too is he at once aware of the critical and political nature of actual translation at the same time as using translation and translatability to articulate his political, cultural and social theory.

We have converted all the various citations to a standard endnote Chicagostyle system, with full citations for each work the first time it is cited within 12 Peter Ives and Rocco Lacorte a chapter, so that the chapters stand on their own in terms of reference material.

All other translations are done by the translator of that chapter unless indicated. This should make it easy to locate the passage across several editions.

There is an excellent set of concordance tables compiled by Marcus E. Green available on the International Gramsci Society website: www.

In Italian, specific languages are referred to with the term lingua and lingue in plural , whereas linguaggio is more general, denoting the human capability to use language in speech or writing.

It would be a mistake to conflate this distinction between the French langue and parole or its utilization by Saussure, although there is a slight overlap.

As Rosiello notes chapter 2 , Gramsci never provides a theoretical distinction between lingua and linguaggio. Thus, we have included the term in brackets to allow the reader to see for himself or herself how the distinction is utilized both by Gramsci and by the authors.

NOTES 1. See chapters 3 and especially 15 of this volume for discussions of the early works on Gramsci and language.

Lo Piparo is currently working on an updated and revised edition of this book. See this volume, page Introduction 13 4.

See chapters 2, 3 and 4, respectively, and M. See chapter 10, page See for example, Anne Showstack Sassoon, ed. Anne M. See note Introduction 15 See chapter 8, page Antonio Gramsci, Letters from Prison, vol.

Frank Rosengarten, trans. Antonio Gramsci, Quaderno del Carcere, four volumes, ed. Valentino Gerratana Turin: Einaudi, In that book, I intentionally did not deal with the political implications of my research.

Yet the following fundamental question is unavoidable: are the hidden sources of the cultural originality of Italian communism in the second half of the twentieth century to be found in the linguistic imprint that the young Gramsci received at the University of Turin in the school of Matteo Bartoli?

The sociology of culture connected to the formation of the national states is not debated within Marxism during the s and s. But it does constitute a central subject in the Italian debates around the question of the [Italian] language [lingua].

See preface for explanation about the title change. This is a previously unpublished note that Franco Lo Piparo asked us to use to introduce his previously published essay.

The essay published here was meant to be an attempt to open a debate on these themes. The article was sent to Critica Marxista, the periodical of the Italian Communist Party in those days,2 in order to facilitate the start of a debate on these matters.

The article published in Critica Marxista [reproduced below in translation] ended with a short paragraph entitled A Doubt and a Question. I am not going to include it in the body of the article printed here because it only has archeological and not current value.

Yet I would like to quote it in this brief note. I am also going to include a clause, emphasized with italics, which was incomprehensibly censored by the editors of Critica Marxista.

What if the Marxism of Gramsci above all the Gramsci of the Notebooks were only a very superficial exterior crust?

The question is simple: a multiplicity of convergent indications autobiographical testimonies, annotations of contemporaries, organization of the arguments in the Prison Notebooks, etc.

The primitive matrix of his philosophy should not be searched for in Marx or in Lenin or in any other Marxist, but in the science of language [linguaggio].

We will cite only three among the many possible texts. If I had the possibility of consulting the necessary material I believe that there is a really interesting book to be written that does not yet exist;.

Meanwhile I write notes, also because reading the relatively little that I have brings back to mind my old readings of the past.

Besides, this is not a completely new thing for me, because ten years ago I wrote an essay on the [Italian] language [lingua] question according to Manzoni, and that required a certain research into the organization of Italian culture, from the time when the written language the so-called medieval Latin, that is, that Latin written from AD until became completely detached from the language spoken by the people, which, Roman centralization having come to an end, was fragmented into infinite dialects.

This medieval Latin was followed by vulgar languages, which were again submerged by humanistic Latin, giving rise to an erudite language, vulgar in lexicon but not in its phonology and even less in its syntax, which was reproduced from Latin: thus there continued to exist a double language, the popular or dialectical one and the erudite, that is, the language of intellectuals and the cultivated classes.

Manzoni himself, in rewriting The Betrothed and in his treatises on the Italian language, actually only took into account a single aspect of the language, the lexicon, and not the syntax that is in fact the essential part of any language, so much so that English, though it contains more than 60 percent of Latin or neo-Latin words, is a Germanic language, whereas Roumanian [sic], though it contains more than 60 percent of [sic] Slavic words, is a neo-Latin language.

B The next text is quoted even more often and is more famous than the first. It would of course be a matter of dealing only with the methodological and purely theoretical part of the subject, which has never been dealt with completely and systematically from the new point of view of the neolinguists as opposed to the neogrammarians this letter of mine, dear Tania, will horrify you!

What do you say about all of this? At bottom, if you examine them thoroughly, there is a certain homogeneity among these four subjects: the creative spirit of the people in its diverse stages and degrees of development is in equal measure at their base.

Perhaps other explanations are possible; but those who study Gramsci as a theoretician of intellectuals have yet to provide one.

From this moment onwards, the censors decreased their control and the Notebooks do not bear the preventative stamp of the prison authorities anymore.

In these conditions of semi-freedom he compiles what will be his last Notebook, dated He devotes it not to immediately political subjects, but to the concept of grammar.

Language [linguaggio] continues to be at the center of his intellectual activity until the end of his life. Is this a sign that the key to his political philosophy is to be found in language?

This biographical information is waiting to become part of the reconstructions and theoretical treatises on Gramsci. Gramsci is not like one of the many Marxist philosophers from whom one can deduce a philosophy of language along with any number of other theories.

His reflections on language [linguaggio] and his linguistic culture were the generative mechanism of his originality and what renders him radically different from other Marxists.

This, obviously, does not mean that other experiences have not converged in the formation of his thought, Soviet Marxism included.

The question at stake is different. Did those experiences have the original theoretical results that they did because they were grafted on to a branch predisposed to grow towards the theory of intellectuals and of hegemony?

The question could be reformulated in another way. If the theory of intellectuals and hegemony had Leninist or generically Soviet or Marxist origins, why did Togliatti not produce anything similar, considering that he 24 Franco Lo Piparo went through a longer and more absorbent immersion in Soviet and nonSoviet Marxism?

Togliatti divided them, and probably no one could do better. Gramsci argued on various occasions that the subjects he treated were deeply homogeneous.

Scholars have often forgotten this indication of Gramsci. Each of the scholars has singled out their own Gramsci: a Gramsci fitting with their own discipline, without worrying excessively about the coherence between their Gramsci and the Gramsci singled out by their colleagues.

What ties the more than two thousand pages of the Notebooks together? The socialist revolution is only one of the ways although certainly for Gramsci the most important in which the problem of the formation of cohesive national-popular organisms may present themselves in history.

With respect to the formation of unitary and cohesive national-popular wills, language [linguaggio] works simultaneously as: A a microcosm and laboratory in which one can find mechanisms and procedures that operate in a more complex way on the macro-social scale; and B an indispensable constitutive factor of complex collective wills such as the people-nations.

The study of language [linguaggio] compels the young Gramsci to go back to the history and sociology of intellectuals because of an even more theoretical aspect.

We cite here only one article that Meillet published in in the magazine Scientia: It is inevitable that among the actual ways of speaking some are used by more powerful groups or groups with superior civilization, which for some reason are given a greater prestige.

Such ways of speaking function as models for the other ones. With respect to relationships among groups, if it is not possible to speak exactly the same way, the goal is to approximate the models.

And so that the Party comes to be identified with the historical consciousness of the mass of the people, and it governs their spontaneous, irresistible 26 Franco Lo Piparo movement.

This is an incorporeal government that is transmitted through millions and millions of spiritual links; it is a irradiation of prestige, that can become a truly effective government only in climactic moments.

The Party. B A collective will is held together also by a common language. Gramsci insists on this aspect of the problem with obsessive frequency.

We quote only a long methodological note from Notebook 10 and a quick annotation from Notebook Language, languages and common sense. At the limit, it may be said that every speaking being has her own personal language [linguaggio], i.

Culture, in its various levels, unifies a larger or smaller number of individuals into many strata which come into greater or lesser expressive relations and understand each other to varying degrees, etc.

One must go back until the Roman Empire question of language, of intellectuals etc. This is the theme to which the last Notebook is devoted bearing an only apparently odd title, National Language and Grammar [Lingua Nazionale e Grammatical] , and that must, instead, be read for what it is: a small and dense tract on the processes of the formation and on the conditions of success of the hegemonies capable of unifying and aggregating complex organisms such as the people-nation.

Some of the passages from this notebook are very well known to the Italian linguists. We now call them to the attention of the nonlinguist readers.

See note 2. But Gramsci uses popolo-nazione much more frequently. Given this situation and that in Italian modifying adjectives often follow the nouns they modify, we have translated nazione-popolo as people-nation.

See the introduction, page 12, for discussion. We will indicate the English translation, if used. IX, V : n. Champion, , Quintin Hoare and trans.

Forgacs and G. Nowell-Smith, trans. Boelhower Cambridge, Mass. Gramsci, rather, simply looked for methodological canons that would fit into the frame of a materialistic theory of history better than the ones of the neo-grammarians.

This is the case provided that what he wrote in Avanti! Paolo Ramat, Hans-J. Translated by Rocco Lacorte with assistance by Peter Ives.

Gramsci did in fact write home in and , including lists of Sardinian words and constructions, and asking his father or sister to carry out actual small investigations to check for their existence in the spoken language or to verify their phonetic and semantic exactness.

Gramsci wrote the following to his father in January I am sending a list of words: have somebody translate them into Sardinian, yet into the dialect of Fonni asking around will let you be more precise.

Indicate clearly, for example, which S must be pronounced softly, as in rosa and which muted as in sordo. I beg you not to make mistakes, since this is an assignment that I was given by a professor with whom I must take an exam this year.

I would not like to jeopardize myself by something foolish. As soon as you write it down, send it to me immediately, because my professor needs it for a work of linguistics he is carrying out.

Moreover, this project had, for Gramsci, also an emotional value: it was meant to solve the old debt to his teacher.

The research Gramsci probably carried out for his graduation thesis convinced him to consider the formation of a national language as an historical and cultural fact strictly linked to the formation of the dominant intellectual stratum.

Still, this will be one of the themes that Gramsci will meditate on incessantly, during his solitary 32 Luigi Rosiello elaboration in the Prison Notebooks.

This conception of language [lingua] as cultural and social historicity is, however, already operating while he was a political militant of the Italian Socialist Party.

He will indeed use it to fight and correct those ideological utopic-humanitarian and cosmopolitan tendencies which were still operating in the socialist movement.

But what Gramsci is interested in is grasping the ideological aspect of the problem, namely, the bourgeois matrix of thought that constitutes the origin of the ideals of a linguistic unification artificially created.

Languages are very complex and subtle organisms and cannot be artificially created. Nations were formed because of the economic and political necessities of one class: the language [lingua] has only been one of the visible documents needed for propaganda, which bourgeois writers used to promote consensus among sentimental people and the ideologues.

On the contrary, it is the national unification that has always and everywhere determined the diffusion of the traditional literary language among the learned strata belonging to a certain region.

He thinks that the relationship languagenation is based on determined historical conditions that have permitted a determined social class to become hegemonic within the arena of a national unity.

On a more general level, Gramsci demonstrates that he knows how to correctly posit the problem about the relationship that must exist between linguistic science and the way Marxist theory is to be applied and specified.

In this work, Engels showed how it is possible to correctly integrate the methods elaborated and the results achieved by linguistics in his times in a global materialistic theory of history and society.

On many occasions, however, he deals with linguistics 34 Luigi Rosiello in connection with a whole series of other problems regarding the nature of Italian culture and the organization of intellectuals, the folklore and the culture of subaltern classes, the politics of education and teaching methods, etc.

In the first letter he wrote, after his arrest, in the jail of Regina Coeli, Gramsci asks his landlord, Mrs.

In a letter to Tatiana written in October , Gramsci asks again to have this book sent, which he will henceforth recall, even in the Prison Notebooks, with the title Manualetto di linguistica.

Still in December he says he never received this book from a librarian he ordered it from. As a matter of fact, the latter does not appear in the list of books he had in prison.

In the outline of , Gramsci relates his treatment of the theoretical aspects of the neo-linguistic method to his other theme concerning the definition of grammar.

Thus, the definition of grammar becomes a topic on which Gramsci constantly meditates. Many linguists, indeed, were declaring in various ways their agreement with the reigning idealism, whereas others went on with their linguistic work, isolating themselves, using the traditional method of the neo-grammarians without intervening on theoretical questions.

In this case modesty and disinterest become guilt. The unproblematized trust in a factual legitimization of the science of linguistics disarmed Italian linguists theoretically in the face of idealistic intrusiveness.

Italian linguists, since they were lacking the capability and habit of theorizing, happened to accept ideas and theories placing linguistics out of their scientific field.

This is precisely what Gramsci infers when reproaching Bartoli for collaborating with Bertoni. Historicism itself is not here to understand in the speculative sense idealistic philosophies assigned to it.

Such philosophies would consider historical linguistic facts as events that are individual, unrepeatable and revealing spiritual and universal values.

On the contrary, I think that historicism must be here understood in a more general, I would say methodological, sense: designating the time-space dimension of as a criterion for understanding and explaining the historicity of linguistic events and structures.

To be sure, they, too become individual, not as the individual-artist but in the complete, determinate individual qua [cultural]-historical element.

Gramsci goes on clarifying that linguistic innovations occur: by interference of different cultures, etc. These concepts must refer to the different cultural, social, political and economic conditions that constitute the cause of the hegemony of one dialect or language over other languages and dialects related to the hegemony of one social class and intellectual stratum over an entire community.

The dynamics of social relations are implied in the complex network of relationships established when the linguistic system is modified and when the linguistic norm literary, national language imposes itself as an element that unifies and organizes the diversity of the uses characterizing social stratifications or diversities.

On the contrary, Gramsci conceives language [lingua] as really produced by the convergence of the social and historical interests of a determined human group that both collectively reaches a common way of expressing and also expresses social and cultural differentiations and conflicts.

Language [linguaggio] also means even though at the level of common sense culture and philosophy. Culture in its various degrees unifies a majority or minority of individuals in numerous strata, more or less in expressive contact, and that understand each other in diverse degrees etc.

It is these differences and historico-cultural distinctions that are reflected into common language [linguaggio]. Thus, language [lingua] expresses the culture of a given people, even if each culture contains some differences and diversities that are determined by historico-social conditions, which are expressed in various types of socially connoted language [linguaggio].

The fact that Gramsci takes into account the sociocultural conditions of the speakers explains his position in relation to the problem concerning the relationship between national language and dialects, which, as it seems to me, expresses the same attitude he had toward the relationship between dominant and folkloric culture.

Yet a dialectal linguistic system linked to a narrow and subaltern cultural environment will have more limited and sectarian communicative potentials than those offered by the national language that, despite its internal differentiations, expresses a hegemonic culture: Someone who only speaks dialect, or understands the standard language incompletely, necessarily has an intuition of the world which is more or less limited and provincial, which is fossilised and anachronistic in relation to the other major currents of thought which dominate world history.

His interests will be limited, more or less corporate or economistic, not universal. While it is not always possible to learn a number of foreign languages in order to put oneself in contact with other cultural lives, it is at the least necessary to learn the national language properly.

A great culture can be translated into the language of another great culture, that is to say a great national language with historic richness and complexity, and it can translate any other great culture and can be a world-wide means of expression.

But a dialect cannot do this. For Gramsci, this does not mean that one has to negate the realities of dialects: he has never argued that dialects must disappear; he only affirmed that it is necessary to set in motion a determined cultural and political situation in order for popular classes to overcome every cultural and linguistic sectarianism45 and to get the kind of linguistic system capable of guaranteeing the communication of universal cultural content, which characterize the new hegemonic function exercised by the proletariat.

Linguistics and Marxism in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci 41 When Gramsci talks about national language, however, he is well aware of using a compromised concept that, in order for it to be freed from every romantic and idealistic ideological implication, must be redefined in sociological terms and verified in the light of historical and social determinations.

Therefore, Gramsci explains the formation of national languages directly relating it to the modalities in which intellectual strata are formed, to the latter political and social function and to the traits of the hegemonic culture they represent.

His contribution is still productive if one connects it to the strong expansion of the modern sociology of language, which is attentively looking, for example, at linguistic policies in the developing countries.

Gramsci complains about the lack of works of history of the Italian language carried out using the sociological method, such as F.

He shows how the basic character of the literary, written language, not the spoken or popular language, depends on the cosmopolitan function exercised by the intellectual caste since the times when it was the language through which the Catholic and universalistic culture of the dominant class used to express itself.

The growth of the communes propelled the development of the vernaculars, and the intellectual hegemony of Florence consolidated it; that is, it created an illustrious vernacular.

But what is this illustrious vernacular? It is the Florentine [dialect] developed by the intellectuals of the old tradition: the vocabulary as well as the phonetics are Florentine, but the syntax is Latin.

The victory of the vernacular over the Latin was not easy, however: with the exception of poets and artists in general, learned Italians wrote for Christian Europe not for Italy; they were a compact group of cosmopolitan and not national intellectuals.

The fall of the communes and the advent of the principality, the creation of a governing caste detached from the people, crystallized this vernacular in the same way literary Latin had been crystallized.

Italian became, once again, a written and not a spoken language, belonging to the learned, not to the nation.

In other words, it is not the case that an entire stratum of the population creates its own intellectuals when it attains power which is what happened in the fourteenth century ; rather, a traditionally selected body assimilates single individuals into its cadres the typical example of this is the ecclesiastical structure.

In other words, this approach also includes the problematic related to semiological writing systems analyzed as facts emerging from determined types of organization and the diffusion of culture.

The same function that was performed in medieval Europe by a linguistic system was in China performed by the system of writing.

In other words, this function consisted in transmitting the culture of a certain dominant class not rooted in the popular and national cultural and linguistic reality.

This scheme, based on the analysis of the relationships between communication oral and written and cultural organizational modalities, engages a wide-ranging thematic related both to the description of present conditions and to historical precedents.

These notes, as I said, should have constituted the ground for a wider and more organic examination. This way of defining grammar does not exhaust all of its modalities.

Normative grammar equals historical grammar the same as politics equals history in a relationship of complementary necessity.

Put in another way, if the intervention meant to unify the dominant class is based on real processes of popular participation that tend to overcome particularism and tend to cultural and linguistic unification, an opposition on principle to such an intervention must be considered anachronistic and reactionary.

An organized intervention will speed up the time of the already existing process. This kind of grammar acts in a much less conscious way when the speakers belong to the lower classes, whereas at the level of the upper classes it is more conscious for the speakers in terms of cultural selection.

Those who belong to the high classes, and who have the adequate cultural instruments at their disposal to develop their own rational competencies, can, instead, reach this level of competence even independently of teaching.

The contents of this notebook Lo Piparo is right 55 cannot be read without taking into account the other prison notebooks, where Gramsci develops his political thought about the modalities in which organized workers can gain power in civil society and the modalities of exercising their ruling role before their complete conquest of state power.

Lo Piparo, David Forgacs and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith, trans. It is hard to believe that Gramsci would find time to write such an essay in , the Linguistics and Marxism in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci 47 year in which the factories of Turin were occupied.

It has perhaps to be dated back to the year ; Leonardo Paggi, Antonio Gramsci e il moderno principe Rome: Editori Riuniti, , Guido Melis, ed.

See Melis, 44, LP1, For a different translation, see Antonio Gramsci, Letters from Prison, trans. Antonio Gramsci, Selections from Cultural Writings, ed.

William Boelhower Cambridge, Mass. SCW, SCW, 27, translation altered slightly. See Lo Piparo about the influence of Ascoli on the formation and thought of Gramsci.

Cited in Ambrosoli, Antonio Gramsci, Quaderni del Carcere, four volumes, ed. Lo Piparo, 49ff. As the Soviet scholar E.

Therefore, reelaborating the methodological questions of linguistics, Gramsci does not criticize the theories of the neo-grammarians as much as the reactionary conception of the so-called idealist neo-linguists.

In reality, the picture Gramsci had of the neogrammatical method derived, above all, from the terms of the polemic set up by Bartoli.

Gramsci was not exactly aware of the fact that there was not as great a distance between the neo-linguistic and neo-grammatical method as appeared on the level of militant polemic.

Leipzig: B. For a different translation, see SCW, Hermann Paul, Principien der Sprachgeschichte, fifth ed. Halle: Niemeyer, Strong London: wan Sonnenschein, Lowrey, Linguistics and Marxism in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci 49 Bertoni and Bartoli, This sociolinguistic thematic is broadly explored by De Mauro; however, Gramsci is only used marginally and only quoted twice.

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